The former US VP Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was considered arguably the most influential occupants of that position in American history. Although countless vice-presidents were confined to marginal or ceremonial roles, Cheney wielded enormous sway during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently described as the "actual president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and claimed the relationship was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was respectful, always calling him in public settings as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush questioned even portrayals of their relationship as a partnership because it indicated that they were peers. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney found the relaxed president pliable on a wide array of administrative determinations.
The Post-9/11 Era
At the head of a faction of neo-conservatives that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been participating in a meeting at a elementary school in Florida. As Bush traveled to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, ordering the destruction of any unresponsive planes heading toward the government building.
Cheney claimed the attacks altered his perspective, leading him to become intent on retaliation. Together with other neo-conservatives, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the invasion of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Decisions
He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the enhanced interrogation of detainees captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was based on inaccurate intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the proper path to take. "It was the correct action to do then. I had faith at the time and I believe it today."
But even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I saw, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, carelessness, and irresponsibility: at worst, deception, ineptitude, and graft."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not entirely responsible for the Iraq invasion. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had drafted a memo outlining situations in which American interests might be endangered (encompassing "obtaining essential resources, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be prepared to act independently when joint efforts cannot be arranged," particularly referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had arrived in the Oval Office vaguely intent on implementing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been fired by the White House, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of reducing America's participation in the regional tensions and suggested defense operations against Iraq.
Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been behind a conspiracy to assassinate his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore resented that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his father's countenance that each person had to walk over.
Investigation Approaches
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most vehement supporting striking Iraq, consistently citing intelligence reports that were both weak or totally deceptive. He backed what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the employment of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had come from the torture, Cheney rejected the conclusions as "riddled with crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and establish procedures to catch the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
Public Persona
Cheney enjoyed labels imposed on him by critics such as the Star Wars villain and the sinister presence, and by the notion that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In the journalist's 2013 publication about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the background that remains unseen come out of his domain? This represents a advantageous way to work, in fact."
Business Interests
Debate over his business interests followed him through his period as vice-president. Although he had little experience in corporate affairs but strong connections in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial energy companies, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the executive branch. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US deals worth substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his time at the corporation rose from his previous salary during his time as military head to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a severance arrangement valued at over $20m|twenty
